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By Adrian Guelke (eds.)
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Hegel's enduring significance lies within the proven fact that his philosophy sheds mild on many modern difficulties; his belief of freedom permits us to reconcile some of the ameliorations that divide liberalism and communitarianism. whereas liberalism has a tendency to overemphasize the person and devalue the neighborhood, communitarianism has a tendency to do the opposite.
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Do geographical regions act to facilitate or restrict immigration and integration, how and why? How do geographical regions themselves rework in realizing and examining rights reply to immigration? Does the eu Union make a distinction when it comes to how immigrants are perceived or how they act as stakeholders in liberal democracies?
Extra info for The Challenges of Ethno-Nationalism: Case Studies in Identity Politics
This is true for the verbal medium as well. In some contexts, a picture may be worth a thousand words. Conversely, we can better express our evaluative feelings about a place in words. 25 44 Cyprus Conflict through Mental Maps I suggest that mental maps are inspiring qualitative assessments of the lived space/territory and the psychological dimension of nationalism/ethno-nationalism mentioned in the introduction of this chapter.
F. Quispe, ‘Organización y proyecto político de la rebelión indígena AymaraQuechua’, Interview with P. Costas, M. Chaves and A. García, 2001. 23. Ibid. 24. D. L. Van Cott, Radical Democracy in the Andes, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008, p. 175. 2 Analysing individuals’ everyday lives and social relations may thus give hints about what kind of emotions and resources they invest for the future of their nation. ’4 According to this perspective, a nation does not rise upon individual/collective lived experiences only, but also on emotions, perceptions and representations, producing different types of markers, and promoting a certain idea of its very existence.
The system that the Revolution took as its model was that of Mexico, in which the transformation of the indigenous population into a peasantry by redistribution of the land in exchange for votes through the mediation of corporate labour unions was accompanied by its acculturization and assimilation into a mixed-race national identity – the ‘cosmic race’ of Vasconcelos – in schools, in the army and in the media. The corporatist Bolivian state constructed during the 1950s by the MNR (Movimiento Nacionalista Revolucionario) thus had two facets: on the one hand, the establishment of state-controlled labour unions and other top-down mechanisms mediating the standardization and control of local community institutions through the exchange of favours; and on the other hand, the attempt to generate a Bolivian nationality in the sense of a collective identity shared by all Bolivians, a nationality centred on a common language, a common view of history, a common external enemy (Chile) and common symbols and myths such as the national flag.